How the U.S. presidential election was stolen from Trump voters

On Wednesday morning, November 4, last year, many of us watched the U.S. presidential election count, at first with satisfaction, then with dismay. The comfortable majorities which Donald Trump had been building in the "battle-ground" states, such as Pennsylvania and Arizona, were being swamped by a tsunami of what were apparently mail-in and absentee ballots.

It was at the nominal end of counting time that evening that a grim-faced Donald Trump and a doddering Joe Biden, from their respective locations, each addressed the American people.

Although he appeared disoriented, Biden was quietly confident of victory, while Trump was claiming that the election was being stolen as they spoke. He cited the Democrat Governor of Pennsylvania's earlier prediction of a Biden victory in that state, whatever it took, and alleged widespread electoral fraud. As the Democrats had regained control of that state's electoral machine at the 2018 mid-term elections, this seemed ominously possible, but surely not on a national scale?

Throughout 2020, Donald Trump's personal reputation, policies and many achievements had been trashed relentlessly by the mainstream media and the East and West coast establishments. His attempts to reassure Americans fearful of Covid-19, while balancing the U.S. response with concern for the economy, were derided, and even his success in bringing Israel together with Saudi Arabia and Bahrain was disregarded.

Meanwhile, what should have been the scandal of the campaign went unreported. Evidence of Joe Biden's own part in the corrupt activities of his son, Hunter, involving the Burisma gas company in Ukraine, and further compromising dealings with the People's Republic of China, were hidden from American voters.

What transpired in the weeks following the election were peaceful but unsuccessful court challenges from the Trump camp to overturn a number of results, he all the while being portrayed in the media as a petulant sore loser. President Trump had received 74 million votes, but had been narrowly beaten in the swing states where it counted, as Hillary Clinton had been in 2016. Or so it seemed.

Peaceful "Stop the Steal" rallies were held in many parts of America, culminating in the ill-starred gathering at the White House on January 6, when a splinter group of supporters, possibly incited by provocateurs, invaded the Capitol building. This was seized upon by the Democrats and a few disaffected Republicans to justify, ludicrously, charging the outgoing president with impeachment for allegedly inciting insurrection.

It was only in a recent online Time magazine article (February 4), with the boastful headline "The secret history of the shadow campaign that saved the 2020 election", that the scope of an underground (and underhand) parallel Democratic campaign became apparent. It told of an extensive organisation of many thousands of activist volunteers, mobilised for what it claims was to prevent Trump from "stealing" the election if the result were in doubt.

It also admitted links with the leaders of the summer riots, which led to an "implicit bargain" between capital and labour to keep the peace. Disarmingly, readers were assured that these "sometimes destructive racial-justice protesters" were in reserve should Trump militia supporters attempt a coup.

An extensive report by Dr Peter Navarro, a senior official in the Trump administration, has analysed the methods by which the election was stolen in six battleground states: Arizona, Georgia, Michigan, Nevada, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin. (The study is available at NavarroReport. com: Vol. 1: The Immaculate Deception, Vol. 2: The Art of the Steal, and Vol. 3: Yes, President Trump Won).

It found that outright fraud, ballot mishandling, process fouls, votingmachine irregularities, statistical anomalies and violations of the 14th Amendment concerning voting rights occurred more or less in all of these states. Each U.S. state has its own particular voting system, so that each differed in its own way concerning the irregularities which occurred. However, the common factor was a dramatic increase in the number of absentee and mail-in ballots and a decrease in the level of scrutiny. In effect, there is no doubt that the number of potentially illegal votes dwarfed the alleged Biden victory margins in these states.

The court challenges which ensued produced many particular cases of electoral anomalies, such as late-evening appearances of suitcases of ballots, and the exclusion of Republican observers (captured on video); but these were insufficient to prove widespread fraud. As acknowledged in the Time magazine article, the mass introduction of mail-in ballots, under the pretext of Covid-19 safety, was the key factor.

Of an untold number of ballots distributed, 90 million were returned, in a nation where normally only 5 per cent of votes are absentee. Ballot-box stuffing and harvesting (i.e., collecting from those too apathetic to vote) have long been part of dirty election tricks, and it is reported that in some U.S. counties the tally exceeded the number of registered voters. Australia's uniform electoral system and compulsory voting rules guard us against fraud on this scale; yet similar devices have been detected in union elections, while postal voting for local government still invites malpractice.

Behind this organisation we find years of careful planning, various scenarios and strategies being war-gamed. An inner group, including Hillary Clinton and funded by George Soros, instructed Biden not to concede under any circumstances and did not rule out street-fighting. Strategies included inventing the fake news that Trump disrespected the military, painting him as autocratic and unpopular, and preparations for mass protests in the event that ballots were rejected or Trump won a landslide victory.

Behind this threat of street violence lay the demonstrations which had been unleashed in 2020 with the tacit approval of the Democrats, when city blocks across the nation were burned and looted under the banners of Black Lives Matter and Antifa.

Later, according to the Time magazine report, the shadowcampaign leaders' disarming explanation of this collaboration was to "protect the election" in the event of an uncertain outcome, along with a confected notion of a coup attempt by Trump. How important this implied threat was in dividing the Republicans and detaching business leaders who had previously supported the President became quite plain in the weeks which followed, when many of these disowned his attempts to retrieve the "steal".

There remains anger among many of the 74 million Trump voters, alongside disillusion with the democratic system, which will dog the new administration as surely as the Left's refusal to accept the 2016 result has done. Biden's signing of 50 executive orders to cancel Trump's legacy will only harden their resolve. Meanwhile a vibrant democracy is reduced to a cancel-culture police-state guarded by a collusive social media oligopoly, which is bent on suppressing the truth and demeaning and deplatforming dissident voices.

Even in Australia, lazy journalism has merely regurgitated the U.S. mainstream version of the truth, and even our best writers have allowed their distaste for Trump the man to sway their views.

John Morrissey is a retired secondary school teacher who has taught in government, independent and Catholic schools. He lives in the Melbourne suburb of Hawthorn.

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